The Pakistan army runs soap factories, deals in real estate and is therefore a military enterprise that since the formation of the country has been impossible for the elected governments to reign in.
But before we tell you how the Pakistan army became a political and an economic enterprise, let’s first understand why the army in India continues to remain apolitical.
In his book, Army and Nation: The Military and Indian Democracy Since Independence, Steven Wilkinson credited the Nehru-era for what he called ‘coup-proofing’ the Indian Army. India’s first prime minister through a series of budget cuts, replacing the office of commander-in-chief with separate army, navy and air force chiefs, placing officers below civil servants, disallowing them from making speeches and keeping senior officers under surveillance ensured the army remained apolitical. By the 1970s, the process of subordinating the Indian armed forces to civilian authority was complete.
Compare this to Pakistan. By 1977, Islamabad had witnessed two military coups and five more were in the offing. To further assert this point, consider this: in 2013, for the first time in Pakistan’s history, a democratic elected government completed its term and transferred power to another elected government.
So why is the all-powerful Pakistan army silent when chaos is ruling on the street?
The ham-handed arrest of Imran from the premises of the Islamabad High Court may only serve to enhance his status among his followers as a fighter for a democratic Pakistan. That, in turn, means there are no easy exits from this spiralling new crisis for any of the key actors in this saga.
Imran’s arrest is seen as an action not by the civilian government of Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif but of the Pakistan Army.
Even if the Army has shot itself in the foot, it is unlikely that such protests will lead to a change of mind at the top. Having taken this step, it would be surprising if Army Chief General Asim Munir backs down against his adversary.
Imran’s arrest was foretold. As his popularity soared since his ouster from office, disqualification via conviction was the only way to keep him out of the election – he has been booked reportedly in 140 cases ranging from murder to profiting from the sale of state gifts. The Shehbaz Sharif-led government, formed by a coalition of parties after Imran’s ouster and the Army is united in this effort.
The ruling coalition fears an election rout at Imran’s hands. And if he is elected, Gen Munir, whose appointment as army chief came through after the government put off his retirement date, would be the first casualty.
While there appears to be some discord within the Army over Munir’s appointment and divisions over Imran’s ouster, many at the top view him as a direct threat to its predominant position in Pakistan.
How long the protests last, and how the Army deals with them will play a decisive role in what happens next. So far, there has been no use of force by the Pakistan army.